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The First Law of Political Dynamics

The first law of political dynamics is that governing power can neither be created nor destroyed, only transformed from one form to another.  History is thus merely the record of this power changing hands.  By this I do not mean the more obvious transfer of power from one tyrant or democratic legislature to another.  Instead, I am referring to the cyclical transfer of power between governments and the governed. 

Prior to the emergence of tribes or countries, power was vested fully in individuals and their families. Individual liberty, so to speak, reigned supreme.  Then as we evolved and the need and desire for broader governing apparatuses began to emerge, that individual power began to belong to the collective community.  While the recipient of this communal power was not always identical – sometimes it was a religious institution while other times a petty tyrant or even a democratic legislature – the community took much of the power that those individuals had once enjoyed without external restriction.  

And as history has drudged along, this power has continually seesawed back and forth between the individual and the community.  Essentially, then, this fluctuation of power can be fairly stated as one between personal liberty and external standards.  The more one has to answer to standards outside themselves, the less liberty they possess, and visa versa. 

Some have wisely observed that this constant give and take between the government and the governed is caused by the excesses of both liberty and authority.  At some point, all must agree that too much liberty degrades into anarchy.  The resulting suffering causes people to demand that external standards and authority be created and stability is slowly restored.  But as history has taught us, authority too has a propensity to be abused.  So the people again make a demand, this time seeking greater freedom. Although this freedom did not always come easily and fully, the people’s will ultimately restores to them their liberty -- which is once again abused, and so on. 

From this vantage point of history, one must conclude that neither liberty nor authority should be desired without limit.   As we have discussed above, doing so dooms that society to either seek out external standards or freedom, depending in which excess that society happens to be indulging at that time.  Yet it seems to be currently in vogue to desire and demand that society give its citizens "rights" without end. 

         To determine if this is a good turn of events, therefore,  we must ask ourselves honesty where we see our society in this recurring cycle of power.  Are we, especially in America, on our way to an unacceptable level of authoritarianism or towards an abuse of freedom?  If one concludes the latter, which seems a far more accurate view of reality, than an unfettered call for progress, i.e. more liberty and less standards, is wholly unacceptable.  In fact, at some point, it is likely wise to create, or at least conserve, standards so that we blunt liberty’s otherwise inevitably march towards anarchy. 

This is, in a nutshell, the reason I am a conservative.  For we have already broken down too many standards of conduct in the name of championing radical individualism.  Thus, we have to at the very least start conserving whatever we have left.  Liberty in its greatest form will otherwise not survive its own tendencies for abuse. As William F. Buckley commented "A Conservative is a fellow who is standing athwart history yelling 'Stop!'” 

The present cry for us to fundamentally change marriage to include same-sex relationships presents a good example from which we may obtain some insight into this concern.  In America, gay people have a standard of living that not only dwarfs their own standard of living throughout all of history, but one which rivals that of most modern heterosexuals.  Homosexuals, for example, enjoy larger than average incomes and are in many circles lauded for nothing more than being gay and existing. 

Yet many oddly claim gays are second class citizens whose fundamental rights and liberty have been reprehensibly robbed.  Is this extreme charge warranted?  Is it not more reasonable that this impulse to endlessly demand rights such as these is actually a product of liberty’s inevitable propensity for abuse?  Should we not, therefore, at least think twice before pushing radical agendas likes this, because although liberty must be cherished, we must make sure it is never allowed to destroy itself from within.

        And that, my friends, is what the First Law of Political Dynamics teaches us: moderation, even for liberty. 
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